Abdelwahab Khoualdia (second from left) with young revolutionaries. Gafsa, Tunisia. 23 January 2011

Abdelwahab Khoualdia is 61 years of age, was born in Tunisia and was expelled from school and jailed in 1972 for being involved in politics. He went to Belgium then migrated to Australia in 1974.

He worked for BHP from 1974 to 1989 as storeperson while studying part time at the University of New England (BA,Dep Ed & M.Litt). From 1989 to 2007 he worked as a taxi driver in Wollongong and then in Darwin.

In November 2010 he went to Tunisia to attend his daughter’s engagement. While there the Tunisian Revolution started.

His big wish was to see his country of origin Tunisia free one day before he dies and his small wish was to throw an egg on Ben Ali’s picture if the big wish could not be achieved.

As a result the egg was eaten and Ben Ali the dictator has gone. The rest as they say is history.

I was going to edit this for grammar and syntax but then thought I’d mangle Abdelwahab’s story too much if I did. You’ve heard a bit from Abdelwahib’s wife, Sue Stanton here over the past few years speaking of her experiences as a proud Kungarakan/Gurindji woman and here, here and here on their exploits in a very different Tunisia just one short year ago.

Here are Abdelwahib’s thoughts in full:

Is the West really serious about promoting democracy in the Arab world?

Because of the small number of Tunisians living in Australia, Tunisia was less known to Australians than other Arab countries. But more importantly the reason why the media had ignored Tunisia for a long time despite its political transformation, is I believe, that Tunisia was considered as friendly, politically stable and a pro-western country.

Another good reason was that Tunisia was less economically important because it does not produce oil which the West desperately needs. Consequently the Revolution which commenced on the 14th of January 2011 and which led to the downfall of Ben Ali a key supporter of the USA, came as a surprise to western media .

Pulling down a Ben Ali poster. Gafsa, Tunisia. 23 January 2011

However, when the Egyptians got rid of their dictator Moubarek a month after the Tunisian revolution the western media gave it a bigger coverage from day one, especially when street protests started In Tahrir Place. This media attention focus has also been given to the present situation in Lybia.

This can be explained by the fact that Egypt and Lybia play more important roles in the world’s economy and politics than Tunisia. A most important factor is that Egypt had a peace treaty with Israel. This worried the West because any negative change could affect the Jewish state’s security.

The situation in relation to Lybia, is that it produces nearly 2% of world oil production. It is a small amount compared to the Saudi contribution but still an important amount for those hungry for energy resources.

When it comes to the real coverage of Arab affairs in particular in relation to Tunisia Al Jazeera had played an important role in informing Tunisians about political development, not just from day one of the revolution but many years before. This annoyed Ben Ali and led him to put more restrictions on Al Jazeera’s reporting and he went to the extent to close its office in Tunis and to harass its reporters.

However, young Tunisians turned to social media such as Facebook and YouTube not just to communicate with each other but to organise protests against Ben Ali’s regime. So why did Western media fail to predict the Tunisian Revolution?

Arabs do mistrust western media for they report mainly the point of view of western interests. Remember the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?

The western media gave and are still giving us a distorted image of what was and still is happening in those countries. Indeed the western media are telling us the West is winning the war against Muslim terrorists and that it is only a question of time before Afghanistan and Iraq become democratic countries.

But they are not telling us when the job of democratisation is going to finish. The reason for not finishing the job on time is because the Taliban are getting stronger. The West refuses to recognise Taliban resistance to western values is not due to lack of intelligence but due to Taliban strength in their own beliefs and values. The West fail to see that the Taliban are protesting against their very presence in their country.

In relation to Tunisia the West still thought that Tunisia was a stable country and one should not worry about it.

The way western media covered the event which led to the peoples revolution was not that important. I was in Tunisia during the revolution and my wife informed me in a telephone call that the western media, including Australia’s media hardly mentioned the turmoil in Tunisia.

Only when Ben Ali was kicked out from power and forced in exile to Saudi Arabia did the name Tunisia get mentioned in electronic and written media. So what do we know about the history of this unknown Arab country which created history when it was the first Arab country to revolt against its dictator and manage to force him out of government?

To understand the present Tunisia one has to look at the past. Geographically, Tunisia is a very strategic country. It is between two major oil producing countries, Algeria from the west and Lybia from the east. From the north the Mediterranean sea is vital to western commercial ships carrying the oil which is essential for western economy.

While Tunisia’s position is strategic for the West’s access to oil, the West was never interested in the country either economically or politically, but the fact is, historically, Tunisia played an important role in the development of the world’s civilisation. .

Because of its geographic position, in the past Tunisia was a target for many invaders. So it went through a lot of different invasions and civilisations. Indeed the Phoenicians were there before 814 BC. They established their cities in the present Tunisia. Then the Carthagians founded Carthage in 146 BC.

Its military leader Hanibal declared war against the Romans. He won one war and lost two and that led to his decline. Consequently, Tunisia was under the rule of the Roman Empire until 439 AD until in 647 the Arab invaders defeated the Romans and established their cities in Tunisia. The latter became part of the Arab Empire until the sixteenth century, followed by the Turkish empire which controlled Tunisia until the French occupation in 1881. Tunisia became independent from France in 1956 .

When the French colonists left Tunisia Habib Bourguiba became the first president. He was supported by the French government for he was a French educated person but more importantly he was married to a French woman and promised to continue using French as a second language after Arabic in schools. This pleased the French. Habib Bourguiba also promised Tunisia democracy but by rigging elections he managed to stay in power until 1987 when he was overthrown by his Prime Minister Ezzine Elabidine Ben Ali.

The successor of Bourguiba promised Tunisians a better era than his predecessor. However, the latter was elected by his party for life. Originally, Ben Ali decided to change the constitution so the President could only be elected to office twice, as In the United States of America.

But Ben Ali changed his mind after serving Tunisia for two terms and he changed the law so it was possible for him to stand for more than two terms. He became very powerful to the extent that he used his police force to suppress any revolt. Indeed any person who tried to challenge his power could be dismissed from his job. Even if a person had a business and showed his or her opposition to Ben Ali he could make him or her pay more tax as punishment.

Furthermore, his wife Laila became very powerful. She used her husband’s position to gain financial benefit not just for herself but for her families. Her greedy behaviour had affected not just the big business community but also the average Tunisian whose land and property were acquired by force. This made Tunisians very angry and they decided that enough is enough.

Father of the Tunisian revolution, street trader Mohamed Bouazizi

However, what triggered the revolution in Tunisia in January 2011 was that a humble man called Mohamed Bouazizi, a street vegetable vendor was slapped by a policewoman Faida for selling his product in an unauthorised area.

Bouazizi got very angry and complained to the Governor about his mistreatment . The latter did not bother to see him. As a result he set himself  on fire and after a few day he died from severe burns .

The Policewoman Faida Elhamdi

But the real causes of the Tunisian Revolution, I believe, were political and economic. Tunisia had suffered from Ben Ali’s oppression. He had never given the opportunity to his people to elect the representatives they wanted. He had given the Opposition some seats in the Parliament simply to claim he believed in fairness and free elections.

Ben Ali’s  party constantly got more than 80% of the vote in parliamentary elections and he himself got more than 90% in presidential elections. He promised Tunisia a better economy in which young people could find jobs. His privatisation policy led to more people getting richer than improving the economic situation of the average Tunisian.

Tunisians started protesting, not just about Bouazizi’s mistreatment and death, but also about the lack of democracy, the government’s indifference to corruption and the lack of job opportunities, Ben Ali used his police force to crack down on any opposition to his regime. It was estimated that when the revolution started more than 56 people were killed by police before Ben Ali changed tactics by promising more reforms, for example, like him not standing for re-election in 2014, and to stop police from using live ammunition against protesters.

It was interesting to note that Ben Ali withdrew police from public places when he realised that people were very determined to get what they wanted. Indeed, despite the killing of many Tunisians the latter continued to defy his authority.

As a result police were confined to their stations and were replaced by soldiers whose job was not to interfere with the Revolution but to protect the states institutions. It was amazing for me as a Tunisian to see people protesting in public places for the first time – without seeing a police officer anywhere. Usually police were everywhere in shopping centres, government offices or any sensitive places like banks. It had been said that Tunisia had the largest police force in the world in relation to its population .

With my small pocket camera I managed to film young people protesting against Ben Ali. To be able to photograph such things was impossible in the past. I also had the opportunity to join people calling for Ben Ali’s removal. The people’s demands were simple. We Australians take a lot of those simple demands for granted – like free elections and freedom of expression. Tunisians have never enjoyed such freedoms and were not used to being in a position to even demand such things.

It was incredible to see young people organising dozens of protests a day. For Australians it would seem crazy for the average Australian would probably attend only a few public protests in a single year.

To understand the Tunisian obsession with protest is to compare them to a hungry man who did not eat for several days and all of a sudden he found himself in front of a plate full of food. That is a good illustration of the importance of freedom. Tunisians could not believe their eyes when they experienced freedom for the first time. They could not get enough of it.

I myself became obsessed with protests. Every day from when the revolution started I took my camera and went to the Trade Union Centre where people assembled before they marched to public places where powerful people were once to be found, such as the district Governor’s office, Ben Ali’s party headquarters, and the government controlled radio station .

For nearly two weeks I did not see a single police officer in the streets. Tunisians behaved properly without them. They did not need police to watch them while they were doing their daily routines. However, there were old political scores to be settled against foes such as Ben Ali supporters. Worse still, it was the right time for example, to kill somebody without being bothered by the police.

So these kinds of things happened, as they might in any revolution. Fortunately in Tunisia revenge was mostly sought against business people who had supported Ben Ali. Their premises were looted, especially food stores even though it was a minority of people who looted stores. The majority of people were shocked to see looters taking things without paying for them. They looked at them with sadness. They could not believe their eyes what was happening in their country Tunisia.

Even though they hated Ben Ali, they did not like to see their country in such a state of disarray.

I myself tried to understand people’s behaviour when it comes to looting. The looting was caused not by greed but more by necessity, but still I could not understand their behaviour when I compared them to hungry Palestinians in Gaza. I thought of Palestinians when the West tried to starve them by not allowing food to go through Egypt.

When international human rights activists managed to get food to Gaza after a long fight with the Israelis, the hungry Palestinians stood up with pride on the street thanking the Westerners for trying to put an end to their misery. The hungry Palestinians did not even try to touch the boxes full of food. They would rather die with dignity than be asking for food. I do not believe I am wrong comparing these two different situations. I also remember when there was a blackout in New York several years ago and New Yorkers started looting shops not just for food but also for other things like furniture.

Maybe it is wrong for me to make comparison but probably the whole world needs a revolution to put an end to poverty.

It is wrong for the West to think that democratisation in the Arab World in particular in Tunisia, would lead to better relations with Arabs just on the assumption that democratic countries would understand each other better than when they belong to different political systems. However, even democratic countries differ when it comes to their economic and political interests.

The present relation between the West and Arabs is mainly based on suspicion. Arabs believe that it is not in the interest of the West to have democratically elected Arab governments because the latter would listen more to their people than to Western leaders.

At the moment it is vice versa. An example and reminder of the point I make is for example, the election of Hamas by Palestinians to form a government and how the west had no respect for that free and democratic election. It proves that the west is only interested in protecting its economic interests and not in democratic ideals after all.

Abdelwahab Khoualdia

Darwin, NT.

Junior. Outside Warmun, W.A.

This story by Ashley Hall on last night’s PM program on the ABC referred to a tragic confluence of events and, perhaps, poor road design at an intersection in suburban Melbourne, Victoria:

Roadside memorial sparks distraction debate

A fatal car accident that killed a 21-year-old woman driver in Melbourne’s outer suburbs has ignited a furious debate about the safety of floral roadside memorials.

Police say the driver may have been distracted by a roadside tribute erected to mark the deaths of four teenagers at the same intersection a couple of weeks ago.

…Acting Inspector Jeff Smith, from the Victoria Police’s major collision unit, says the intersection was covered in flowers and pictures.

“Right on the intersection to have photos and tributes and stories and the like, it distracts drivers from what they’re supposed to be doing, which is looking where they’re going,” he said.

Martin Lacroix. Victoria Highway, N.T.

This issue of the safety of roadside memorials has been around in Australia for some time.

AM spoke to Dr Jennifer Clark, an Associate Professor at the University of New England at Armidale, who has studied roadside tibutes for over 20 years and in 2004 organised a conference on roadside tributes:

Roadside Memorials: a multi-disciplinary approach:

Papers are invited that examine the phenomenon of roadside memorialisation from the perspective of any relevant discipline including, for example, death studies, history, studies in religion, psychology, sociology, roadside studies, road safety, popular culture, studies in grief and mourning and studies in memorial culture. Papers on related topics, especially other forms of public memorialisation, also will be considered. It is intended that the most relevant papers will be submitted for publication as an edited collection.

In 2006 Clark spoke to Geraldine Doogue at ABC Radio’s Compass program:

Roadside memorials are not new. They were there in the ancient world, they’re all through Europe, through South America, through the United States.

…

So the place itself becomes very important. It becomes sacred space, regardless of the fact that this is actually a public roadside. And so we have the appropriation of public space for private mourning. And there is a great debate about whether or not they should be allowed. Emergency service personnel for example or people who have been involved in the crash or people who live near the memorial site often find it very difficult to travel past these memorials constantly day after day and be reminded of the great tragedy.

…

The roadside memorial is particularly important because it indicates to us that there is a new way looking at grief and mourning.
I think the practice itself indicates that there is a movement away from the belief that the church and the state has control over grief and mourning and has control over the ceremonies and rituals associated with death.

…

I think what it really indicates is that people in grief believe that their grief gives them the authority to put up a memorial where they want it to be put. It suggests that there is a very strong sense of the spiritual out there in your community, even though we know that church attendance is declining and that we hear a lot of talk about Australia being a secular society.

And the interesting thing about it I think is that it indicates that in our society people …are looking to express spirituality in their own way and to engage with a spiritual life. And there is a strong sense at these memorials that people making them have a very strong sense that something spiritual is going on while they are there.

Anonymous. Tanami Track, N.T.

The photos are my contribution – in addition to the roadkills that I’ve been photographing over the past several years I’ve recently started shooting the many and varied tributes that I find on my travels.

I’ll put up a post of recent new finds from time to time.

And if you have any particular shots of roadside memorials in your area please feel free to send them on and I’ll post them here for you.

Broken wing. Tanami Track, N.T.

And the last word, well, several words really, goes to the US where the National Memorial Registry has been established to:

The National Memorial Registry, Inc. was created to provide a place for any person to register a memorial or tribute to or on behalf of a person. It is our hope that the amount of people registering their memorial or tribute will be such a substantial amount that we are able to use this membership to affect legislation toward open display of these tributes on public lands. While we do not condone obstruction or cluttering of public parks or scenic views, we would like to have each country recognize the importance of allowing each citizen the right to pay tribute to any person they choose.

The National Memorial Registry, Inc. will work with all jurisdictions that regulate the placement of memorials. We will attempt to gain some consistency in legislation by means of public pressure. We will not condone open contempt for the local customs or legislation but will encourage change by means of legal methods as much as allowed.

It is the intent of National Memorial Registry, Inc. to maintain this database for future generations to access and gain valuable information about their ancestors past.

Roadside grave? Victoria Highway, N.T.

Fittingly the dead marsupial on the cover is a…you’ve got it, a Red Kangaroo, Macropus rufus.

Roadkill is a modest book by Len Zell, an Honorary Associate of the School of Environmental Sciences and Resource Management at the University of New England. Roadkill runs to 102 pages but is packed with interesting stuff – particularly for the newbie roadkiller.

Dealing with dead animals always contains a degree of risk, and I love Zell’s disclaimer at the front of Roadkill. Zell says that he:

…accepts no responsibility for any loss, inconvenience, injury, or feeling of angst, disgust or nausea sustained by any person using this book. All recipes are tongue-in-cheek and anyone considering using them should only use meat obtained from safe sources, as roadkill is likely to be infested with parasites and other not-so-clean aspects.

Okay, it seems that Len Zell has found that rarest of creatures – a lawyer who can write a funny legal disclaimer!

But more seriously, this little book is packed with all sorts of useful (and some irreverent and funny) suggestions.

These include a definition and scope of the roadkill problem, how to avoid killing things as much as possible and, perhaps most importantly, and wise advice about what to do with roadkill and being aware of the worst case scenarios:

If an animal comes clean through the windscreen, e.g. a kangaroo, they can kill you or your passenger should you be going fast enough. Once inside the car the frightened animal may be still able to try to get out and in the process destroy or damage the occupants or a car’s interior. There is very little you can do in this circumstance other than stopping the car, opening the doors and hoping.

…

To swerve or not to swerve – the answer is simple: DO NOT SWERVE unless you are going slowly enough to be able to maintain complete control of the car.

…If you see or hit an animal on the road, ensure that it is dead before moving on.

All good advice. The rest of the book is a sort of taxonomy of roadkill – the ‘spineless’, the ‘wet and dry’, the ‘scaly’, the ‘big flying feathered’, the ‘hairy warm’ and the ‘feral’ roadkill. Then follows a useful list of contacts and websites, a Bibliography and, what is a sad rarity in too much of Australian non-fiction, an index for handy cross referencing.

If you work in animal rehabilitation, spend long hours behind the wheel driving across the wide open roads of this wonderful country or are just interested in roadkill I can highly recommend this book for your bookshelf or glovebox.

Roadkill will come in handy when next you run into a Black Kite as it lifts, engorged with rotting flesh and on struggling wings, off a carcass on the roadside – or when you run into a wombat, a snake, a horse…you get the drift.

You should be able to find the book at most good booksellers – but please take the time to buy it, and all of your books, from an independent bookstore.

Or you can try the publisher, Wild Discovery Guides here.