Corporate Engagement

Trevor Cook on public relations, social media and politics

Office work doesn’t need to be boring

We need the genes of illegal immigrants

Immigration can improve the national gene pool:

Geneticists have shown that there is literally such a thing as American DNA, not surprising when nearly all of us are descended from immigrants. We therefore carry an immigrant-specific genotype, a genetic marker expressing itself—in some environments, at least—as energetic risk-taking and competitive self-promotion. Even when famine, warfare, or another calamity strikes, most people stay in their homeland. The self-selecting group that migrates, seldom more than 2 percent, is disproportionally inclined to take chances. They also have above-average intelligence and are quicker decision makers. Something about their dopamine-receptor systems, the neural pathway associated with a taste for novelty and risk, sets them apart from those who stay put.

And illegal immigrants take more risks than anyone else.

Mark Scott should talk to Oliver Stone

Before ABC managing director takes his organisation down the path of the so-called pro-am model (no-one knows what this means but the words sound ‘inclusive’), he should have a chat to film-maker Oliver Stone who told Terra’s Orbita US 2009 conference in New York on Tuesday night:

“I’ve heard the democratic argument [for the internet] and I’m not an elitist, but Winston Churchill did make some kind of sense when he said the best argument against democracy is a five minute conversation with the average voter. Let’s not kid ourselves. A mashup is not a movie. It’s offensive.”

“The internet is a [...] tool. If everybody just wants to jump on the tool and say I, hey I can [...] make a mashup, or I can create my own news show, or show you my gymnastic ability, what is it about? We’ve got 6 billion people showing off. I don’t understand. How do you judge? What is life for? Is there a hierarchy of quality or not? Or is it all the same?”

Let’s not abandon quality for the false god of participation.

My fear is that the pro-am model will become just another way of dumbing-down our media environment further while under-paying (or not paying) the new “content” producers for their efforts.

As for the Winston Churchill’s point, you only need to read the comment streams on many big media sites to see how valid that remains.

Clueless in Ultimo: the fall of Rome fallacy

Promise was that I
Should Israel from Philistian yoke deliver;
Ask for this great deliverer now, and find him
Eyeless in Gaza at the Mill with slaves …

– John Milton, Samson Agonistes

In a speech this week, ABC Managing Director, Mark Scott, strangely compared the media revolution (currently ongoing) to the fall of the Roman Empire. His speech includes large slabs of Auden and references to Gibbon, hence, I felt emboldened to start this response with a little slab of poetry myself.

Scott likes the analogy because of its schoolboy and hollywood images of the great and powerful laid low.

Fair enough, nice and dramatic. Perhaps it was a lowbrow audience.

While the analogy might speak of the impact of the barbarians on ancient Rome, it hardly fills us with confidence about the consequences of the media revolution.

After all, the ‘fall’ was followed by what we call, or used to call, the Dark Ages and then the Middle Ages before Western civilisation was transformed by the Renaissance, so called because it was based on a return to the ideas and values of Rome and Athens. That’s why, for instance, we have a Senate in a bicameral system rather than some barbarian tribal council. If ideas matter, and they surely matter much more than events, than the Roman world is with us still.

We might also reflect on the role of the Roman Catholic Church. Is the Roman empire really dead while this powerful political and social, as well as religious, organisation continues to be a major force in Western Europe. Of course, it has been in decline as a political organisation for a few centuries now but for more than a thousand years after the ‘fall’ it carried many of the elements of Roman civilisation. The church used Latin, and kept the Roman language the key means of official communication in Europe until relatively recently. The jurisdiction and administration of the Church followed that established by Rome, with the addition of one or two outposts, notably Ireland.

The efficient organisation of the Roman Empire became the template for the organisation of the church in the fourth century, particularly after the Edict of Milan. As the church moved from the shadows of privacy into the public forum it acquired land for churches, burials and clergy. In 391, Theodosius I decreed that any land that had been confiscated from the church by Roman authorities be returned.

The most usual term for the geographic area of a bishop’s authority and ministry, the diocese, began as part of the structure of the Roman Empire under Diocletian. As Roman authority began to fail in the western portion of the empire, the church took over much of the civil administration. This can be clearly seen in the ministry of two popes: Pope Leo I in the fifth century, and Pope Gregory I in the sixth century. Both of these men were statesmen and public administrators in addition to their role as Christian pastors, teachers and leaders. In the Eastern churches, latifundia entailed to a bishop’s see were much less common, the state power did not collapse the way it did in the West, and thus the tendency of bishops acquiring secular power was much weaker than in the West. However, the role of Western bishops as civil authorities, often called prince bishops, continued throughout much of the Middle Ages.

So what can a closer examination of the Roman analogy tell us about the fate of the media revolution?

First, a total ransacking of the old media – the ‘fall’ – looks spectacular, and is no doubt deeply satisfying to disaffected outsiders (aka barbarians or the ‘audience’) but it might leave us worse off; locked in a media ‘dark ages’ until the spirit that produced much of what was best in ‘old’ media and journalism is revived in a later renaissance.

Second, the ‘fall’ takes a lot longer than the word implies, just like the Roman world, ‘old’ media is likely to persist in some form for much longer than any of us can imagine from this vantage point.

Third, the ‘fall’ is largely an illusion unless the old media ideas are replaced by a more compelling set of ideas. The hordes that ransacked Rome failed to displace the cultural and political ideas that underpinned Roman civilisation which remain with us still in a modern form, long after the barbarians war cries have all but been forgotten.

Scott himself gives us a pointer to the validity of this last lesson when he talks about the continuing, even expanding, importance of a key old media idea, editing:

Yet it’s only by maintaining a strong editorial role that we’ll reinforce, not undermine, the ABC brand. Even Wikipedia’s Jimmy Wales acknowledges that the secret is in the edit – which might explain why an aggregating site which has acquired such a huge community of users – The Huffington Post – lists 62 editors and just 4 reporters. We’d shoot for a slightly different ratio ourselves!

In other areas too we may come to see the world of the ‘empowered audience’ as deficient. Comment and opinion are everywhere on media sites these days, but there has been no similar expansion in facts, ideas and analysis, Scott’s much-heralded partnerships with the audience, like the barbarians attacking Rome, may be more suited to producing noise and colour than anything more enduring.

Fourth, it’s likely that the new media will be absorbed into the old media:

As the Western Roman Empire crumbled, the new Germanic rulers who conquered the provinces upheld many Roman laws and traditions. Many of the invading Germanic tribes were already Christianised, though most were followers of Arianism. They quickly converted to Catholicism, gaining more loyalty from the local Roman populations, as well as the recognition and support of the powerful Catholic Church. Although they initially continued to recognise indigenous tribal laws, they were more influenced by Roman Law and gradually incorporated it as well.

The ABC will still be the ABC with just a little more commentary from the audience. Not so much deliverance from the strictures of old media as an opportunity to join the slaves at the Mill.

Economic theory vs. economic history

A passionate argument for re-integration (and a longer version here):

This is not to say that the macroeconomic model-building of the past generation has been pointless. But I do think that modern macroeconomists need to be rounded up, on pain of loss of tenure, and sent to a year-long boot camp with the assembled monetary historians of the world as their drill sergeants. They need to listen to and learn from Dick Sylla about Alexander Hamilton’s bank rescue of 1825; from Charlie Calomiris about the Overend, Gurney crisis; from Michael Bordo about the first bankruptcy of Baring brothers; and from Barry Eichengreen, Christy Romer, and Ben Bernanke about the Great Depression.

If modern macroeconomists do not reconnect with history – if they do not realize just what their theories are crystallized out of and what the point of the enterprise is – then their profession will wither and die.

Obama caught adrift in the media, lobbyist circus

Awarding Obama the Nobel peace prize seems emblematic of the triumph of celebrity over substance. I’m an Obama fan, but the reality is that his achievements lie ahead of him not behind him, and you can’t help thinking that the Nobel judges were more than a little ‘previous’ in awarding the prize to a guy who hasn’t yet been in office for a whole year. A bit like winning a ‘best picture’ academy award for a film proposal. Of course, part of the decision is just a matter of ‘thank god that dangerous idiot Bush has finally gone’. But still.

Interestingly, just before the Nobel award, Robert Reich (a Clinton secretary for labor) had a general spray about the Obama administration’s apparent paralysis on domestic policy:

My friends in the Administration and on the Hill repeatedly tell me “don’t make the perfect the enemy of the better,” or words to that effect. Politics is the art of the possible, blah blah blah. True. But in each of these areas — healthcare, financial regulation, environment, and jobs — the “better” is really not that much better. Forget perfect; anything that offered real reform would suffice for now. But in every case, what should be the centerpieces of reform are being left out.

Why? Congress is overwhelmed with corporate and Wall Street lobbyists (far too many of whom are former Democratic office holders). The White House is trying best it can to push and prod in the right direction but there’s too much going on, too many arenas where private interests are framing the debate and stifling major reform, and too many friends of friends and relations of relations who are making tons of money working for the other side. The public doesn’t know what’s going on because the national media would rather report on the sexual escapades of famous people or social trends or high finance (a recent Pew study of economic reporting shows the vast majority of stories about the Great Recession have focused on Wall Street rather than Main Street). And progressives — that is, progressive organizations in our nation’s capital — have been remarkably and consistently outgunned, outmaneuvered, or just plain ineffectual. This is largely due to the fact that they’re sitting in Washington rather than organizing and mobilizing the rest of the country.

There’s more to government than good intentions and hope, and if Obama can’t do better on foreign policy than Reich suggests he is doing domestically than the Nobel Prize will look a bit hollow in 12 and 24 months time.

Even the GFC can’t reverse the Left’s decline

In a recent issue of the new york review of books (Sept 24), Tony Judt described social democracy as the “ideology that dare not speak its name”, such has been the decline of the political ideology that once dominated Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand and ‘new deal’ America. (Obviously, Judt doesn’t read Kevin Rudd’s essays.)

This decline can be traced back to the oil shocks of the 1970s that helped undermine confidence in the Keynesian, welfare state approach that had been the mainstream orthodoxy at least since the second world war. The decline of the Left got a further big kick along with the collapse of the Soviet Union and China’s emergence as a major (state) capitalist power. Instead of social democracy, we got the third way and new Labour.

When the GFC hit, the neo-liberal consensus seemed shaky. There was a return to Keynesian approaches by governments around the world, particularly in the english-speaking west where neo-liberalism had been most vigorously on the march. The sales of Marx’s works were on the rise, and academic political economists wrote stacks of ‘we told you so’ articles.

But the outcome of the German election which saw the end of the grand coalition and the exit of the social democrats from government might be another sign that any hoped-for social democratic revival will be short-lived:

German voters clobbered the Social Democratic Party on Sunday, giving it only 23 percent of the vote, its worst performance since World War II.Voters also punished left-leaning candidates in the summer’s European Parliament elections and trounced French Socialists in 2007. Where the left holds power, as in Spain and Britain, it is under attack. Where it is out, as in France, Italy and now Germany, it is divided and listless.

Was “Balibo” sanitised?

A few weeks ago, John Pilger made some interesting claims that the script of Balibo had been toned down to expunge Australian Government (and media?) complicity. Pilger’s quotes from director Robert Connolly don’t exactly refute the claims but the Australian media doesn’t seem interested in it either, perhaps preferring the official version once again that it was all Indonesia’s fault:

Claiming to be a “true story”, it is a travesty of omissions. In eight of sixteen drafts of his screenplay, David Williamson, the distinguished Australian playwright, graphically depicted the chain of true events that began with the original radio intercepts by Australian intelligence and went all the way to prime minister Gough Whitlam, who believed East Timor should be “integrated” into Indonesia. This is reduced in the film to a fleeting image of Whitlam and Suharto in a newspaper wrapped around fish and chips. Williamson’s original script described the effect of the cover up on the families of the murdered journalists and their anger and frustration at being denied information and despair at Canberra’s scandalous decision to have the journalists’ ashes buried in Jakarta with ambassador Woolcott, the arch apologist, reading the oration. What the government feared if the ashes came home was public outrage directed at the West’s client in Jakarta. All this was cut.

The “true story” is largely fictitious. Finely dramatised, acted and located, the film is reminiscent of the genre of Vietnam movies, such as The Deer Hunter, which artistically airbrushed the truth of that atrocious war from popular history. Not surprisingly, it has been lauded in the Australian media, which took minimal interest in East Timor’s suffering during the long years of Indonesian occupation. So enamoured of General Suharto was the country’s only national daily, The Australian, owned by Rupert Murdoch, that its editor-in-chief, Paul Kelly, led Australia’s principal newspaper editors to Jakarta to shake the tyrant’s hand. There is a photograph of one of them bowing.

I asked Balibo’s director, Robert Connolly, why he had cut the original Williamson script and omitted all government complicity. He replied that the film had “generated huge discussion in the media and the Australian government” and in that way “Australia would be best held accountable”. Milan Kundera’s truism comes to mind: “The struggle of people against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.”

Well, as long as it’s a good movie, right?

Social democracy deracinated

A new light on the hill | The Australian

In Saturday’s Australian Tim Soutphommasane had a long piece on where Rudd and Labor stand in ideological terms. Part way through reading it I started to notice that there was a lot missing from his account of the ALP’s current relationship with its traditional ideology. What was missing was any references to workers, and account of unions and the ALP’s relationship with unions, there was no critque of capitalism, no sense of the employment relationship as a source of inequality or exploitation. In fact, anything that might distinguish Labor from its opponents seemed to have been airbrushed out.

NEWSFLASH: Bernard Salt discovers new acronym

Bernard Salt is no doubt a wonderful demographer, but he is also great at getting publicity.

Salt knows the value of a bright new social trend, be it tree changing, sea changing or now Nettels.

Yes, folks, Salt has interrogated the data (generously provided by taxpayers) and discovered (drumroll please) that many people are time poor.

Of course, as startling as this insight into our society might be, its not going to get more than a cursory media treatment without something to ’sex it up a bit’.

And that something is an acronym which is also a word. Very cute, very media-friendly.

He probably spent hours or days on it, perhaps he worked with a creative consultant, perhaps it came to him in a shower moment.

All this is great for Salt and great for his business.

And it’s another example of the marvelous value-add of PR.